Suchergebnisse

The article is a retrospective of the theoretical research of the sociologist Slobodan Antonic dedicated to evolution and strengthening of two important social (political) movements: radical-feminist and -LGBT. Contesting the scientific-methodological basis of theories that 'explain' them, the author emphasizes the importance of the neoliberal ideological platform on which these theories and derived movements are based. At the same time, numerous dangers that social engineering for which their members plead for are pointed out. Regardless the radical changes of social consciousness, social values and power relations in the contemporary society for which these movements plead for, they actually represent pro-systematic movements that help in preservation of neoliberal capitalism with their demands.

Objective: This study investigated the social support for the Black, Blue, and All Lives Matter movements from the perspective of terror management theory (Greenberg et.al., 1986; TMT). Method: Participants completed a set of questionnaires about death, pain, self-esteem, self-consciousness, justice sensitivity and their opinions towards social issues currently happening in the nation. The order of questionnaire differed, as to prime participants with death (the experimental condition) or pain (the control condition) as their first questionnaire. Results: There was support for the Black Lives Matter movement regardless of priming condition. Additionally, post-hoc analysis revealed a negative correlation between participant's death anxiety score and their self-esteem, as well as a negative correlation between the death anxiety score and the blue lives matter movement. Lastly, there was a positive correlation between death anxiety and justice sensitivity. Conclusion: These findings suggest that mortality salience had no influence on people's opinions toward these movements; rather, the death scale served as a chronic prime.

This collection contains more than 55 writings by academics and public intellectuals. The essays are drawn from different decades of the 20th and 21st centuries, and from across the globe, presenting different and sometimes divergent lines of thinking about social movements

Factors in the economic crisis of the 1980s, readjustment strategies, and political and social implications; 5 articles. Capital accumulation, corporate domination, social instability, labor costs, class conflicts, economic readjustment, the debt crisis, and other economic and political upheavals.

Discusses history and theory of geopolitics, including role of reframing and new visions of political geography. Part of a special section with the overall title, "Geopolitics debate IV."

As political opportunities shift, social movement decline or mobilization may result. The first section of this intriguing volume examines this phenomenon in depth while also moving theory-building forward. Significant contributions are made to collective identity theory, stalemate theory, and political process theory. This volume's concentration on political opportunity and social movements is accomplished through a focused series of papers that include case studies of specific social movements, comparative case studies of social movements, and comparative case studies of transnational issue networks. They include movements including the U. S. anti-nuclear power movement, the Rastafarians, the alternative and complimentary medicine movement, indigenous rights movements in Panama and Brazil, the animal rights movement, the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, and the housing reform movements in post-Soviet Union Moscow and Budapest. A shorter, but no less important section closes this volume while taking up another historic focus of the series: social and political change. Here one paper documents democratization in Wales via the use of 'inclusive politics' by Plaid Cymru, another analyzes the use of 'political homicide' in Mexico during the 1990s, and a third explores campus unrest in the United States.

This special issue of American Behavioral Scientist, "Activism After 9/11," addresses a void in the social movement research literature and illuminates the practical implications of political shocks, or dramatic changes to international and/or national systems that fundamentally alter the processes, relationships, and expectations that drive political interactions, on social movements and democratic processes. The nine original research articles in this volume examine how political shocks shape state response and, in turn, how these responses—represented in both policy and rhetoric—affect movement trajectories, opportunities for democratic expansion, democratic participation and protest, and coalition building. The work in this issue highlights the need for social scientists and citizens alike to understand how political shocks like 9/11 affect consensus, dissent, state transparency, and democratic processes more generally.

Until the 1970s, the study of social movements was firmly within a diverse sociological tradition that explored the relationship between social structure and political behavior, and was preoccupied with explaining variation in the political orientation of movements: their ideologies, aims, motivations, or propensities for violence. Subsequently, a breakaway tradition redefined the central problem, radically narrowing the scope of interest to the process of mobilization—how social groups, whoever they are and whatever their aims, marshal resources, recruit adherents, and navigate political environments in order to grow and succeed. Critics would later insist that the construction of meaning, the formation of collective identities, and the stimulation and amplification of emotions play vital and neglected roles in mobilization, but these alternatives did not challenge the narrowed construction of the problem itself. The resulting subfield has largely abandoned the quest to explain variation in the political orientation of movements. Researchers in related fields—on revolution, unions, and ethnic mobilization—have retained an interest in explaining political orientation, although they often view it primarily as a by-product of mobilization. Reviving theories about the impact of social structure on movement political orientation will require integrating insights from research on related but widely scattered subjects.